Thai monarchy law makes family feud a battle royal

By TODD PITMAN




BANGKOK (AP) — Thanawat Martnok and his little brother have argued most of their lives — about their struggling business, about politics, even about their dogs. Thanawat says that’s because his little brother “just never listened.”

And so, one day three years ago, Thanawat decided to teach his sibling a lesson. He told police Yuthapoom Martnok had defamed Thailand’s monarch — an extraordinarily grave allegation here that instantly escalated a simple family feud into an issue the justice system views as threat to the stability of the kingdom itself.

Yuthapoom was indicted on charges of “lese majeste” — insulting the royal family — a crime punishable by up to 15 years behind bars. Denied bail on national security grounds, he has been jailed for a year in a Bangkok prison where he is anxiously awaiting the court’s verdict Friday.

Such charges were once rare in Thailand, but they have become more common since a 2006 military coup intensified a bitter societal divide in the Southeast Asian country. Critics complain that lese majeste laws are vulnerable to being abused by political rivals to destroy enemies.

Yuthapoom’s case is unusual, and worrying to some, not only because it pits one brother’s word against another, but because the alleged transgressions are said to have occurred in private, in the sanctity of their home. Thanawat is his brother’s only accuser, and other relatives say Yuthapoom is innocent.

“It’s a bizarre case that shows lese majeste can be used not just as a political weapon, but in any kind of conflict — even one involving a family,” said Chiranuch Premchaiporn, a Thai webmaster who received an eight-month suspended sentence last year over Internet comments that prosecutors deemed insulting to the crown. She was accused not of posting the comments, but of deleting them too slowly from her news website.

Chiranuch said Yuthapoom’s case “shows how easily the law can be abused. It also shows why we need to reform it.”

Yuthapoom staunchly denies the charges, saying he would never defame King Bhumibol Adulyadej or the royal family. The king, who ascended to the throne in 1946 and is now the world’s longest-serving monarch, is 85 and ailing but remains widely beloved in the nation of 66 million. Thailand is a constitutional monarchy, and its government is run by an elected parliament and prime minister.
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Yuthapoom said his elder brother falsely accused him in a bid to seize the car-cleaning-liquid business the siblings once ran together. Thanawat now controls the business.

“This is a family feud that has been blown way out of proportion,” Yuthapoom, 36, told The Associated Press at Bangkok’s Remand Prison. “I can’t believe my own brother would do this to me. I’m still trying to grasp how it came to this.”

Interviews with the siblings, their sister and Yuthapoom’s wife paint a long history of enmity between the brothers.

Thanawat, 38, said that while growing up in northeastern Thailand, he clashed with his brother “all the time” because they were so different.

Thanawat was the quieter of the two, an introvert who never drank and never smoked. Yuthapoom, on the other hand, was loud and guzzled alcohol often after work, according to his family.

Nevertheless, the two ended up living together in a three-bedroom Bangkok house from 2006 until 2009, along with Yuthapoom’s wife and Thanawat’s girlfriend. The brothers often fought; Thanawat said he was especially angry over the many discounts Yuthapoom gave to clients.

After one skirmish in 2009, Yuthapoom drew a knife; he claims it was self-defense because Thanawat kicked him in the chest. The police were called, but no charges were filed. Then Thanawat moved out for good.

A month later, Thanawat filed an official lese majeste complaint, alleging that Yuthapoom had cursed the king months before the knife incident as the pair watched him on television. He also accused Yuthapoom of scrawling a two-word insult against the monarch on a video CD around the same time.

Pinyo Ruaylarp, the brothers’ 42-year-old sister, said the officer who received the complaint initially tried to dissuade Thanawat from filing it, believing it to be nothing more than a venomous family spat since it was filed well after the alleged crimes occurred. But she said Thanawat was adamant, and the complaint duly made its way to the Office of the Attorney General.

Media operating in Thailand cannot publish the content of the alleged insults because doing so would also be a violation of the country’s lese majeste laws.

Thanawat told AP that he didn’t report Yuthapoom’s transgressions right away “because I thought he could still listen, that he could change.” But their last fight was so severe he decided he had no choice.

“There was no other way to talk sense into him,” Thanawat said in the living room of his small Bangkok home, where a portrait of the king hangs on the wall. “He had to be taught a lesson.”

Thanawat said that although he has argued with his brother about many things unrelated to the king, his allegation is true. The interests of the nation and the monarchy “are important than family,” he said.

Pinyo said the case has devastated their mother, On Suthison. She testified that she had never heard Yuthapoom defame the crown and didn’t believe he could do so, according to defense lawyer Saovalux Pongam, who has taken the case pro-bono. On testified that Yuthapoom loved the king dearly and often lit candles at home to commemorate his birthday.

David Streckfuss, an American expert on lese majeste at Thailand’s Khon Kaen University, called the case exceptional not only because “they obviously have some family issues to resolve,” but because the alleged crimes occurred in the privacy of the brothers’ household.

Most lese majeste trials in Thailand have involved defamation that occurred in the public domain — through a speech, on the Internet, or in one instance by spray-painting graffiti over outdoor portraits of the king. Streckfuss said one foreigner had also been charged for insulting the monarchy during a private conversation overheard in a restaurant.

“Hopefully this will not be a new trend,” Streckfuss said. He said that if Yuthapoom is convicted Friday, “it will be a significant step toward extending lese majeste coverage, something that says that what goes on in the privacy of your own home is no longer private.”

The case already has taken a toll, and not solely on Yuthapoom. Thanawat is now estranged from the rest of his family.

Their mother, Thanawat said bitterly, “always liked Yuthapoom best.”

___

Associated Press writer Thanyarat Doksone contributed to this report.
 

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Thai democracy enters dangerous new crossroads



By TODD PTIMAN


BANGKOK (AP) _ Protesters waging a surreal political fight to oust Thailand’s elected prime minister are trying to establish what amounts to a parallel government — one complete with “volunteer peacekeepers” to replace the police, a foreign policy of their own and a central committee that has already begun issuing audacious orders.

Among the most brazen, Tuesday: a demand that caretaker premier Yingluck Shinawatra be prosecuted for “insurrection,” and another calling on the public to “monitor” her family’s movements.

Leading academics have slammed the scheme as undemocratic and unconstitutional. Critics have called its leader, Suthep Thaugsuban, delusional. But the ex-lawmaker’s bid to seize power could become reality if the military or the judiciary intervenes, as they have in the past. Either way, analysts say this Southeast Asian nation is at a dangerous new crossroads that could drag on, and end with more bloodshed.

“This is a combustible situation. We cannot have two governments in Bangkok running Thailand,” said Thitinan Pongsudhirak, director of Chulalongkorn’s Institute of Security and International Studies. “Something will have to give.”

Yingluck is desperate to end weeks of political unrest that has killed five people and wounded nearly 300 more. On Monday, she dissolved the lower house of Parliament and called for elections, now set for Feb. 2. But neither move defused the crisis, and a 150,000-strong crowd pressed on with a massive march against her in Bangkok.

Yingluck said Tuesday she would not resign despite a nighttime deadline issued by Suthep. But there was no hiding the nation’s precarious state. Asked how she was holding up, tears welled in Yingluck’s eyes.

“I have retreated as far as I can,” she said, just before turning and walking quickly away.

The protesters accuse Yingluck of serving as a proxy for her billionaire brother, former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who lives in self-imposed exile to avoid jail time for a corruption conviction but still wields immense influence in the country.

Thaksin was deposed in a 2006 army coup that laid bare a deeper societal conflict. On one side are Thailand’s elite, its largely urban middle class and staunch royalists who say he abused his power. On the other, Thaksin’s power base in the countryside, particularly in the northeast, and others who benefited from his populist policies designed to win over the rural poor.
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The coup triggered years of political upheaval that have proven the power of Bangkok’s elite.

Controversial judicial rulings removed two pro-Thaksin prime ministers in 2008, one of whom never set foot in his Government House office: He worked for 10 weeks out of the VIP lounge of the capital’s old airport until protesters evicted him from there, too. The same year, army-backed parliamentary maneuvering allowed the opposition Democrat Party — a minority that has not won an election for more than two decades — to take power for several years.

Yingluck led the ruling Pheu Thai Party to victory in 2011 elections. But anger against her government swelled after the lower house passed an amnesty bill that would have allowed Thaksin to return without going to jail. The measure was rejected in the upper house, and Yingluck has said it will not be revived.

Protesters say Pheu Thai lost its right to rule because of its support of the amnesty bill and other legislation they oppose. Yingluck and other members of her party say the constitution does not allow her to resign before elections are held — a ballot both sides know Pheu Thai would win.

Suthep, the protest leader, said late Tuesday that as of now, “there is no government.” He said his People’s Democratic Reform Committee would nominate a new prime minister to fill the vacuum, although it has no legal authority to do so.

Suthep also ordered the head of police to order all his forces to withdraw from their posts within 12 hours and said soldiers should take responsibility for protecting government offices.

The bespectacled 64-year-old career politician had laid out other details of his plan Monday. Citing a clause in the constitution stating that “the highest power is the sovereign power of the people,” he claimed his movement was assuming some government functions and called on civil servants to report to it.

He said a new constitution would be written that would ban populist policies, bar corruption convictions from being pardoned and ensure that “a single party cannot control things.” He also urged supporters to establish neighborhood “peacekeeping forces” to replace the nation’s police, who are seen as allied to Yingluck and her brother.

The reality, for now, is that no parallel government exists, and that protesters hold less ground than they did at the weekend. Ahead of Monday’s march, they withdrew from the Finance Ministry and part of a vast government complex they had occupied for a week.

Still, Thitinan said, the momentum is on the side of Suthep, whose uprising has already triggered the legislature’s dissolution and reduced Yingluck’s power.

The government is “at a disadvantage because they’re not backed by the establishment and the powerful people in Bangkok,” Thitinan said. The army has vowed neutrality, but when push comes to shove, they will side with the protesters, he said.

Thitinan said Suthep is “a front man for larger forces behind him, for the powers that be” among the elite. He said they want to “seize the reins of government because they want to preside over the transition … we’re talking about the monarchy, the succession, the constitution, the entire future of Thailand.”

King Bhumibol Adulyadej, 86, has suffered health problems for years, and anxiety over his health has grown in tandem with the country’s deepening political divide. Thaksin, the ousted premier, was accused of disrespecting the king, in part by trying to curry favor with Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn, the heir to the throne.

Thitinan added, however, that if Yingluck is deposed, her supporters “will come back to the streets” just as they did in 2010, when pro-Thaksin “red shirt” protesters erected bamboo barricades around a vast swath of the capital’s glitziest shopping district and occupied it for two months.

A brutal army crackdown eventually dispersed the crowds, but not before more than 90 people were killed and the city’s skyline was engulfed in flames. Suthep, who was deputy premier at the time, ordered the crackdown and is facing murder charges for his role in it. He also faces an arrest warrant — for insurrection.

The army and the courts have had opportunities to dislodge Yingluck’s government but have not taken them. Army chief Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha has said he will not intervene, despite pleas from anti-government protesters. And in a key Constitutional Court ruling last month, judges stopped short of dissolving the ruling party.

If Yingluck can hold on until elections are held in two months, the question remains whether Democrats will boycott — a distinct possibility given its bleak prospects. The last time the Democrats staged a boycott, in 2006, the army staged a coup five months later.

The conflict is likely to “go on and on until all sides sit down and negotiate a compromise,” said Siripan Nogsuan Sawasdee, a political science professor in Bangkok.

“That’s going to take a long, long time,” she said. “There is no easy way out.”

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Scenes from a Coup

Lingerie-clad dancers and Starbucks: After the Thai coup: A surreal day

September 20, 2006

By TODD PITMAN

BANGKOK, Thailand (AP) _ Word of a military coup and tanks on the streets spread quickly inside the heaving bars of one of Bangkok's most infamous red-light districts.

But instead of closing up and running home, the lingerie-clad dancers kept dancing and the drinkers kept drinking as long as they could.

Anywhere else, the overthrow of a prime minister and the imposition of martial law might have sent shivers through a fearful population. But in Thailand's glittering capital, the news of Thailand's first coup in 15 years was greeted with a little bit of caution, a lot of calm smiles and some surreal scenes.

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Bungy Jump: To My Execution

In Thailand, jungle bungee jump offers thrill of life _ and death

June 11, 2003

By TODD PITMAN

PHUKET, Thailand (AP) _ Standing on a ledge high above a lake in southwestern Thailand with my legs bound together, it was hard not to feel I was on the way to my own execution.

I was about to experience the near-death thrill of hurling myself off a 54-meter-high (177-foot-high) bungee jumping crane.

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